Are Fraternities Breeding Grounds for Sexism and Voilence Again Women?
We live in a moment of remarkable inconsistency in the gender structure. We have always-increasing numbers of young people who reject a gender category or are gender fluid, while the movement toward equality between women and men has stalled. Do today's young women believe they are—or deserve—equality with the men around them? We provide unique data to address this question, comparing intensive interviews from two studies, one conducted in the mid-1970s and the other on a present-day college campus. We study the historically white Greek organization considering information technology dominates university life on many campuses and contributes to college students' socialization into gendered adults.
We detect striking likenesses but likewise testify of pregnant social change. So and now, women talk about membership requirements for elite sororities depending on beauty, wealth (and implicit whiteness). So and now, women speak nigh fraternity men controlling vital elements of their social and sexual lives, including the physical setting for parties and the alcohol that lubricates the evening. We find women, then and at present, talk nigh the power imbalance betwixt sororities and fraternities. Notwithstanding, here the likenesses finish. In the past, women accepted those power imbalances, taking them for granted as the natural order. Women talked about college in terms of the Mrs. Degrees they hoped to earn. Admission to a summit sorority required beauty, wealth, and the right connections, merely career ambitions were unnecessary or even a hindrance.
Beauty still matters, just women stress that admission to a prestigious sorority likewise requires "passion" and "ambition." The standards for admission are higher: "being it all." Farther, women no longer say they have the sexism congenital into the gendered Greek rules as morally valid. Women say that differences in the rules for sororities and fraternities are unfair and sexist. They complain that male person control of social life puts them at hazard of sexual assault. This is an example of a "crisis tendency" in the gender structure. Organizational rules remain gendered, while cultural logics no longer support their existence. Our analysis suggests how institutional inertia amid shifting cultural norms creates frustration, dissonance, and an opportunity for alter.
Methods and Setting
The 20th century report.
The second author nerveless the data from the late 1970s-early 1980s. This report focused on official regulation, informal cultural norms, and gender socialization in the Greek college earth at the stop of the 2nd wave of feminism. In 1975-76, Risman conducted participant observation of Greek life at a private university. She used the information for a college assignment and an commodity in a local media outlet.
Betwixt 1976 and 1979, Risman (1982) did an ethnographic and interview study at a large public institution on the w declension. On the public campus on the due west declension, approximately ten pct of the undergraduates belonged to fraternities and sororities. However, their bear on was disproportionate, partly because fraternities hosted parties that many others attended. Risman randomly selected 20-two girls from far as well many volunteers for the formal interviews. The interviews provided initial admission and prompted invitations to Greek functions, introduction to other sorority members, and relationships that ensured recurring contact throughout the next 2 years.
Observations included attendance at sorority dinners, preparation for "rush," fraternity parties, "Greek week" for high schoolhouse recruitment, and a fashion show advising potential members how to apparel for "rush." Other observations were less formal: conversations with sorority members over coffee and discussions in course. Risman also analyzed approximately 25 undergraduate papers that discussed sorority life. The remarkable consistency between data collected using different measurement strategies supports the validity of Risman'due south (1982) findings. The in-depth interviews corroborated the participant observation, and both these strategies were corroborated by the student papers analyzed.
Contemporary Written report.
Roughly forty years later, from 20172020, Ispa-Landa (2020) nerveless interview data from sorority women at Central, a individual academy very similar in selectivity, size, and geographic region to the university where participant observation had occurred in the mid-1970s.
Fundamental is ane of the nation's elite universities. In Fall 2018, the acceptance rate was less than 10 percent. As at other highly selective universities, students from upper-grade families are overrepresented at Key. Roughly 15 percent of students come up from families whose earnings put them in the top 1 pct of the income distribution (630K+).
In the winter of 2017, Ispa-Landa posted recruitment fliers offer $forty souvenir cards to sophomore women in historically White sororities. 80-6 women responded. A team of 5 trained graduate students conducted i-on-1 interviews. They interviewed all sophomores who volunteered from historically White sororities for 37 interviews in Jump 2017. In Spring 2019, they recruited an additional 16 participants. Over the 3 years of the study, many of these women were interviewed for a second or third time. Including the follow-up interviews, the dataset contains 106 interviews with 53 participants. All organizations and respondents were given pseudonyms. Interviews were recorded and transcribed.
The findings below compare data gathered in the 1970s to the current written report, a well-nigh xl-year time bridge. We compared the published research from the earlier era with transcripts from the recent Ispa-Landa and Oliver project. Our comparative assay focuses on three areas: why women bring together, perceived criterion for membership, and narratives about sexual relationships and safety.
Motives for Rushing: The Classic College Social Feel
In the 20th century study, people reported "going Greek" to ensure a good social life, commonly phrased equally wanting to "encounter people." "Coming together people" included access to fraternity men and easing the search for female companions. Going Greek meant instant friends and admission to the social life through which an "appropriate" boyfriend could be found.
Today, many women still see sorority life as a manner to make friends and connect with peers who have a similar social orientation to higher. As Deborah explained,
I thought like, I want to come across people, make friends, meet people that are outgoing and like to drink. So I have to join a sorority to exercise that. (21st century report)
However, looking for access to fraternity men is no longer considered a legitimate reason to seek a Greek amalgamation. Today, potential new members, or "rushes," must take the cultural capital to sympathise that mentioning fraternities and the want for like shooting fish in a barrel access to men is taboo during recruitment. Indeed, in today's context, asking near mixers during recruitment is a corrigendum that can block access to sorority membership.
Criteria for Membership: What Gets You in?
The criterion for membership has as well changed since the 1970s. At that time, no one could be invited to join a "top" sorority without a letter of the alphabet of recommendation from a former member. Still, it was the case that a much-desired member without enough cultural capital to know an alumna could be introduced to a local one. If the local alumna was impressed with the rushee, the alumna could then produce the needed letter. Adept looks, family background, and overt interest in socializing with elite men (due east.m., the mixers with fraternities) were besides considered necessary.
Today, letters of recommendation from alums are no longer required. And family background is less openly discussed as a criterion for admission, although legacy status can still help women get a bid. Now, academic or career "appetite" and "passion" take become essential for admission. As ane woman explained,
I thing nosotros look for is passionate girls. You have to be passionate near something, whether it's, I don't know—I started every bit passionate about marketing and I had a agglomeration of marketing clubs. I think that's ane of the reasons why I would've gotten in. I think every other member I've met, whether it exist politics or technology or doing whatever, you know—they have that sort of passion. (21st century report) When today's sorority women evoke an imaginary ideal fellow member, information technology is an outspoken, driven, career-committed adult female who downplays her interest and investment in appealing to elite men.
Current members claimed that, during recruitment, they were looking for confident women who were motivated to bring together a sorority because they were looking for a "daughter power" kind of surroundings—a place where women felt emboldened to proclaim their unique interests, talents, and enthusiasms.
And notwithstanding, in both historical eras, a woman's looks and perceived sociality remain crucial for being invited into a sorority. What has changed is how openly women are willing to talk well-nigh this criterion. In the 1970s, when asked why sure girls were chosen, the most common respond was that they "fit in." When pressed further on what that means, the respond was nearly e'er concrete bewitchery integrated with social skills and, secondarily, family status. 1 girl from the 20th century report stated what others implied:
Most of import, you lot'd be looking for pretty girls, that is what is going to attract the frats.
Openly judging each other in terms of male blessing was a central theme from the 20th century participants. Another respondent explained that information technology was not the case that only attractive "girls" could be pledged. Instead, the sororities were ranked hierarchically, and they competed for the most beautiful "girls" they could recruit, every bit each house "knew against whom they competed." Top houses recruited cute, wealthy White women. One member in the 20th century study explained why her sorority was a "status" house, saying, To put it bluntly, we've got the best girls! Y'all know, the smartest, the best looking, the nigh popular, stuff like that. I know it sounds complacent, but that is, you know, the mode information technology is.
Today, White Greek alphabetic character organizations are still organized into a tier, or ranking, system. (At different universities, the same sorority or fraternity may belong to a unlike tier.) There are still top-, center-, and lesser-tier sororities. The "peak houses" are nonetheless viewed as recruiting the most stereotypically attractive, sparse, social, and wealthy White women, although they also now accept to be aggressive in their career goals. I adult female, a brunette from a White working-class family, explained that these traits combine in distinctive ways that feel out-of-achieve for those who don't come from coin:
I think a lot of the houses that are considered top-tier have a reputation on campus of all the women having blond hair. Which is actually kind of accurate. A lot of them exercise! I retrieve thinking [when I went to their house during recruitment], they were all cute [laughing], just in a very intimidating way. Um. I had heard they were very sectional and they seemed to simply want a certain type of woman. Like, everyone looked very put together but kind of in a similar style. Like, information technology's more than than just similar make-up or clothes, 'cause I wear brand-upwardly and clothes too. I judge… I mean, maybe expensive's a adept word for information technology, cause they are predominantly higher-income. (21st century report)
The researcher from the 20th century study besides remembers that the women interviewed from "top tier" houses had straight pilus and were thinner than your boilerplate woman.
Just equally 40 years ago, women are still keenly aware of how men judge them. It continues to be the example that the "top" houses have the women accounted nigh attractive to men. Co-ordinate to the 21st century participants, fraternities concur competitions where men and the fraternity houses are given more "points" the greater their social and sexual contact with summit-tier women. Every bit one adult female explained,
Fraternities have spreadsheets for girls they're taking to formal. They give points for who brings the hottest daughter to formal and points for rank, like how many women in [one top-tier sorority] are coming to our formal and how many women in [other top-tier sorority] are coming to formal. And I know fraternities have "Ws and Ls" (wins and losses) of the week. They practise it in affiliate [coming together]. It'southward like the Due west of the week is who hooked upwards with the hottest daughter or the acme-tier girl, and then the L of the week is who hooked up with the ugliest girl.
In sum, while much has inverse, much has remained the same. Women continue to be evaluated based on their physical attractiveness and willingness to socialize with fraternity men. Now, still, women must besides exist high academic achievers with potent career ambitions; the new sorority woman must embody traditionally feminine traits plus the traditionally masculine drive for career success.
Sexual Stigma and Safety on Campus
Women continue to worry nigh their reputations, but what counts as stigma has inverse dramatically. In the 1970s, dating was still the norm in sororities, although it was losing popularity exterior of them. Moreover, the dating the sorority "girls" in the '70s reported was very traditional. One respondent said, "The girls feel they'd rather not go out than to accept to enquire to exist taken… it is really scorned."
Even during the institutionalized "girl asks boys" Sadie Hawkins Day trip the light fantastic, the sorority women normally gave the men the money to pay the bank check to avoid the embarrassment of beingness seen paying in a man's presence. Similarly, there was a uniformity of opinion that women did non ask out men on dates, at least not directly. As ane respondent claimed,
I mean y'all've got to be subtle or else information technology scares the guys. Plus it'southward always better when the guy makes the first move…. It'southward just more proper. I think the other girls await down on girls who, oh, let's say, enquire guys out on dates. They kind of expect desperate. I approximate, I mean, it just doesn't look very good, not simply for the girl only for the sorority likewise. (20th century report)
The women in the 20th century study waited to be asked on dates, and everyone expected men to cover all the costs. Men were clearly prioritized over a girls' dark, equally this woman's words imply:
Effectually here no one makes plans together, of course, until the final infinitesimal if no date has turned up. You should spotter the Friday night scene here between 7:00 and 9:00 o'clock. The girls left around at the finish make up one's mind to do something together or stay in their rooms.
There was not much open talk about what happened on the dates, although one adult female was asked to resign from her sorority for having openly spent the night at her boyfriend's apartment. This was in the midst of the sexual revolution. While many women were undoubtedly having sexual practice with their boyfriends, they had to be discreet and non sleep over.
Today, women keep to worry almost their reputations, but what is considered promiscuous has changed. Having an active sex life is not shunned and may even exist celebrated. However, having too many drunken hookups with besides many dissimilar men is looked down upon. To have too many hookups unfold in clear sight of others at fraternity parties is seen as "sloppy."
Some other deviation is that sorority women now seriously hash out the problem of sexual attack in Greek life. They express a sense of resigned outrage. And they repeat sociologists Hirsch and Khan who suggest that an institutional system that requires male control of space for socializing is a gear up up for men's sexual predatory behavior.
Most women argued that the best solution would be for Panhellenic Association, the national governing trunk for all historically White sororities, to allow sororities to host parties. If this happened, women would have greater control over the environment. Nonetheless, there was picayune evidence they believed modify was possible. A clear note of resignation ran through narratives about sexual violence in Greek life. As one woman in the 21st century study reported,
I think the fact that women are not immune to have alcohol and are not immune to accept men in the house creates this unsafe separation in which anything fun or involving alcohol or sexual has to happen in the fraternity firm. Um, where, allow'south be honest, brothers look out for brothers. So wouldn't information technology brand sense similar, hey, if a woman wants to sleep with a fraternity homo, shouldn't she have the choice to exercise this in her place of living where in that location isn't this power dynamic, where it'south like, "This is my firm, that is my alcohol you're drinking," blah, blah, blah. And I just observe it and then demeaning that a house mom (an older woman hired by the sorority to alive in the firm as a quasi-chaperone) and Greek life has the policy and the authority to be similar, "You tin can't accept someone stay over.
Conclusion
We find much has changed, and nonetheless much remains the aforementioned in Greek life from the mid 20th century to today. In the past, dissimilar aspects of the gender structure were in sync. Now they are not.
The women in sororities in the 1970s notwithstanding took gender inequality for granted. Fraternities invited sororities to parties, and men paid for the evening. Men expected to pay to accept women out on dates, and then to support them as wives. The sorority system was socializing women for a life of matrimony and motherhood, preparing them to exist chosen as a wife past an appropriate man. The cultural ideals of the social club and the rules of Greek life were aligned, even if they were non always followed and did not adapt everyone's needs. Like a well-designed puzzle, the elements of college social life supported the expected roles of higher-educated adults. The Greek arrangement's official rules supported cultural beliefs. The structure and culture were in sync.
However, that puzzle has now cracked. Nosotros find ourselves in a moment with what Raewyn Connell has called a "crunch tendency." Beliefs and regulations no longer align. We are raising girls to be confident and ambitious, and they tell united states of america that they are. But then we go along to wait them also to exist cute and sociable, and let men remain in the driver'due south seat of heterosexual relationships. The stress of "being" it all is apparent. And so is the sexism of continuing to gauge women by their beauty and social graces.
The cultural beliefs that support sexist rules have crumbled. And all the same the Greek system's rules that allow men to serve booze and host parties only deny that same right to sororities have remained in place. Why does any university continue to allow a private order's regulations to discriminate confronting their women students?
Recently, some members of Greek organizations, including those at Vanderbilt, Knuckles, Emory, American University, Northwestern, and the University of North Carolina, have begun to revolt. According to Marcus, the trigger for the revolt was a recognition of racial inequality in the historically White Greek system, only the rhetoric of defection includes misogyny as well. The electric current movement to reform or destroy the Greek organisation is a powerful lever. Campus administrators and leaders can utilise it to change formal rules and regulations, decrease racial bias in recruitment and other areas, and stop the regulatory power asymmetries that take always existed betwixt fraternities and sororities. Such policy changes could reduce the power of the "patriarchal bargain," which requires women to maximize their well-being inside the constraints of asymmetrical power relations with men. It is nigh time that universities have gender equality seriously.
Recommended Reading
- Armstrong, Elizabeth, Hamilton, Laura. 2013. Paying for the Party. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Academy Press. Google Scholar | Crossref
- Hirsch, Jennifer, Khan, Shamus. 2020. Sexual Citizens: A Landmark Study of Sex, Power, and Assault on Campus. New York City: Westward. Westward. Norton & Company. Google Scholar
- Ispa-Landa, Simone, Oliver, Mariana. 2020. "Hybrid Femininities: Making Sense of Sorority Rankings and Reputation." Gender & Society 34(vi): 893-921. Google Scholar | SAGE Journals | ISI
- Marcus, Ezra . 2020. "The War on Frats." New York Times. August i. Available online: NY Times | Google Scholar
- Risman, Barbara J. 1982. "College Women and Sororities: The Social construction and Reaffirmation of Gender Roles" Urban Life eleven(two): 231-252. Google Scholar | SAGE Journals | ISI
Simone Ispa-Landa is an Associate Professor in the Folklore Department at Northwestern University. She studies race, gender, and form in educational activity.
Barbara J. Risman is a Professor in the Sociology Department at the Academy of Illinois-Chicago. Her work focuses on gender inequality and families, feminist activism, and public sociology.
Source: https://contexts.org/articles/the-gender-revolution-on-greek-row-2/
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